EXPANDING THE MISSION IN AND FROM SOUTHAMPTON
The first twelve months of the British Mission appear to have been a time of experimenting and seed-sowing for Loughborough and Ings, and this would continue throughout the next two years, at the end of which Loughborough would make a visit to America to give a report in person to the General Conference in session and return with additional workers. After twelve months of operations the Mission had no official acquisitions to an established church membership. Loughborough seems to have left interests time to become fully grounded in their new beliefs, something he no doubt considered necessary in conservative England. However, early in February 1880 three occasions of baptism by immersion took place in quick succession, and thirteen adults joined the membership of the Seventh-day Adventist British Mission Church.
Finding a place to baptize by immersion, when the Mission had not yet established its first physical church building gave Loughborough "no little perplexity." Where to hold the baptism was the difficult question. There were a "few" Baptists in the area and they had fonts in their chapels for such a purpose, however, Loughborough even failed to get them to agree to the loan of their baptismal robes, let alone of their baptistries. Consideration was given to baptising in a stream, but a short time earlier others had attempted to do the same just a few miles from Ravenswood, with the result that "a vast mob assembled" and "threw brick bats, stones, and dirt" to break up the baptism. It did not seem the right thing for Loughborough to try a similar thing just then. So on further consideration the Mission decided to prepare a makeshift baptistry in one of the lower rooms of Ravenswood and consequently reported, "our baptisms here have been quiet, blessed occasions."1
Loughborough reported working on the baptistry all day Wednesday 4 February 1880. Veysey came from Taunton that afternoon and may have assisted Loughborough in the work because the job was not finished until the Friday. On Sunday 8 February Loughborough simply recorded in his calendar, "First Eng. baptism."2
At this first baptism by Seventh-day Adventists in England six persons were baptized. Veysey was not baptized at this time as he did not sign the covenant until the end of February or beginning of March 1880. At the close of the Wednesday evening service of the same week two more joined the six. One of these was a ship's steward who, together with his wife, had been studying with Loughborough and now had begun keeping the Sabbath. The following Sabbath 14 February five more were added,3 and by the end of March three more joined them, making a total of sixteen in all.4 Two more individuals joined the church during early July5 and three more on 24 July.6 In August another three were added making twenty-four, with still others "becoming interested."7 On Wednesday 1 September a Sis. Young came to Southampton and Loughborough filled the font especially for her baptism.8 By the beginning of October another was baptized, making the total twenty-five who had passed through the waters of the portable tank in Southampton.9
Naturally not all baptisms added to the congregation at Southampton. On 6 June 188l two persons visited Ravenswood "who had embraced the truth by reading" literature sent by the Vigilant Missionary Society of St Helena California as a result of names sent by Loughborough to George Drew on 14 September 1880. These requested baptism, and on signing their names to the covenant were baptised and "returned to their homes rejoicing." On Sabbath 11 June 1881 one other, who had accepted the teachings by reading, spent the day with the Southampton congregation and was baptised, also signing her name to the covenant.10
Lucy Veysey was baptized on Sabbath 2 July having come to Southampton from Taunton for the occasion.11 This now made a total of thirty who had been baptised by Loughborough at Ravenswood. In August another two joined the mission, a Mr. Barnes being baptised 1 August.12 The other, a gentleman who had been reading Signs for a number of months, and visiting Southampton for a few weeks, made his decision during that time.13 Two more were reported baptised 30 October 1881.14 It had now taken the British Mission almost two years to reach their first thirty-four converts to the church.
A number of others seem to have been convinced of the beliefs of the church but we have no specific record of their baptisms. In June 1880 Loughborough reported that a lady had "taken her stand to obey the truth" as a result of reading and missionary correspondence. Two others who accepted the truth expected to move to Southampton, set up business, and "begin the observance of the Sabbath."15 In October 1880 two individuals "in different places here" decided to walk "in the way of truth and obedience by keeping all the commandments of God." These were a result of reading Signs posted from the Southampton depository. Two families just twelve miles from Southampton took their stand as a result of "two lonely sisters who have been loaning their books and papers."16 Another family, "a few miles distant," embraced the truth in April 1881 as a result of reading Signs.17 It is not known if these individuals were included in the baptismal reports.
Although the sale and free distribution of literature had become an integral part of Loughborough's evangelistic effort during his first year of establishing the British Mission, it had been conducted in a rather hit or miss basis, with literature often finding its way by devious routes to interested, yet scattered people. Much of the literature, which came free from missionary-minded believers in America, was handled by Ings and others to encourage subscribers to the periodicals.18 However, with the formation of the National Tract and Missionary Society for Great Britain changes were made calculated to systematically work with Signs and with other tracts and literature.19
The Tract and Missionary Society of Great Britain
The National Tract and Missionary Society of Great Britain was formed in Southampton with twenty six charter members on 11 January 1880. Others were to join later. Loughborough was voted as President, with Anna Loughborough serving as the Society's Secretary-Treasurer. As the Society's organization was based on those already in existence in America it was voted to adopt the Constitution recommended by the General Conference for the governing of such organizations. Significantly, it was the understanding that their field of labor would include not only the United Kingdom of Great Britain, but also "any of her dependencies which we may be able to reach with reading matter and by correspondence."20
In this new organization two districts were specifically designated for systematic work within Britain, namely the counties of Hampshire and Somerset. Loughborough served as director of the Hampshire district, it being his home base county, while Veysey, living in Taunton, was appointed director of the society's work in Somerset. Jenny Ings would serve as librarian of the Hampshire district, and Veysey was to select his own librarian on his return home to Taunton following his stay with Loughborough in Southampton. Loughborough would visit Somerset in mid-February for meetings there and no doubt helped organize the Society's work in that district. Ings was designated as the superintendent of the work of placing reading matter on ships."21
Seven years later Wilcox was to express his belief that the decision to form this Society "awakened renewed interest and zeal" among the members.22For Loughborough, such an organization was much needed and not before its time:
This movement has given a new impetus to the work here. It was timely. The church was stirred up to act, and all are anxious to work; and if we could obey Paul's injunction to Titus, "Set in order the things that are wanting," it was time to form this missionary society; for it is what is wanted to give form and efficiency to this department of our work. At no point of time since our mission opened have we received so many favorable responses to Signs, in the same length of time, as in the past few weeks. Many are reading with interest, and then forward the papers to friends in other parts.23
The members of the society appeared to have been "taking hold of the work in earnest," both in loaning tracts from house to house and in sending Signs by post. Members were "encouraged and stimulated" to greater effort in awakening an interest "all over the kingdom."24 A gentleman who embraced the truth in Southampton moved to reside "in one of the northern counties," and an interested reader paid for $20 worth of tracts and papers that could be loaned and distributed in the new locality.25 Judd left Southampton at the beginning of 1880 and is reported doing colporteur missionary work in connection with other business in Lancashire, and holding Sabbath services in his house.26 We do know that Loughborough wrote him and sent him parcels of literature on a regular basis.27 Judd was possibly the first appointed colporteur the Church had in Britain.28 In such ways the Mission advanced its beliefs. In the first three months of the Society's activities they reported 21 persons working compared with four the quarter before, with a marked increase in the number of families visited, from 1,029 to 7,246, or 80 families per day, which remarkably represented 36% of all families visited by the whole Church worldwide with its 7,138 members. The number of letters written to interested persons also jumped, from 122 to 363, and pages of books and tracts loaned or given away rose from 169,413 to 254,970 representing 11.5% of the total distributed by the whole American church. Of these figures 1,577 periodicals and 40,412 pages of books and tracts were placed on ships.29
Loughborough maintained a close connection with tract societies in America who, in many cases, were responsible for initial interests in Britain. Reports of such contacts made good reading, and continued to appear in Review for many years. A governess, living near Birmingham and working for a "first-class" family, decided to keep the Sabbath. She first heard of the Mission after her name, along with a number of others, had been sent to the Vigilant Missionary Society of Sheriden, Illinois. The Signs sent by the Society convicted her on the Sabbath question and when she saw the Southampton depository advertized in Signs she immediately wrote requesting books, which led to correspondence. The family for whom she worked gave her "full permission" to obey the truth.30 A lady in Scotland wrote the depository also requesting books. This again led to correspondence in which it was discovered that some missionary minded person, either in England or America, had sent copies of the Signs to a man in Scotland who read the books, but kept them under lock and key "for fear his family might see them." He eventually sent them to this lady asking for her opinion on them. She read and returned them as requested, but not before noticing the address of the Ravenswood depository. The books she requested and received were "Thoughts on Daniel, Thoughts on Revelation, The Sanctuary, Spiritualism, The Three Messages, Matthew 24, and many tracts." A lady in America, Helen Morse, had contributed $10 for tracts to be distributed in the British Mission and the first 1,500 pages of the lot were sent to this lady "for distribution among her friends."31
Regular meetings of the Tract Society were called at which interesting letters received by members were read. These came from all parts of the country, including places as diverse as Maidenhead, London, Corfe, Derby, Wolverhampton, and Bishop Waltham. Of the "many interesting letters" received by the Society the majority "expressed thanks for the papers, and speak of the new light thus imparted to their minds." Any money made from subscriptions or sales of Signs was used for postage to send the papers to other names.32
As a result of inserting a notice of the Ravenswood depository in the Signs distributed, the young Mission received several applications for further papers and tracts. However, the hundreds sent direct from America by relatives, friends, and various Tract Societies gave no indication whatsoever of a British connection. Loughborough considered it would be "an excellent thing" to place a standing notice of the Ravenswood depository in the Signs, even "if it was only two lines of very fine type,"33 and consequently this was done as future issues of Signs show.34
First Efforts in Local Publishing
On the 18 February l88O Loughborough brought home an edition of 2,000 each of seven tracts, 14,000 in all, from the printing company of Foster and Rond. This was to be the Mission's first effort in publishing in England. The event caused serious excitement:
As we gathered around this pile of printed sheets, we unite our prayers to God that his signal blessing may rest upon and follow these tracts, and that the time may soon come when thousands may be reading "present truth", printed in England.35
That morning a request came in the mail for back numbers of the Signs, and the Ravenswood depository sent nine numbers and one copy of the new tract Is the End Near?, with a catalog and British price list of materials available in England. With some pride Loughborough reported, "this man has the first copy printed in Great Britain."36 The titles of the other six tracts are not known.
Experiments in Literature Sales
Early in February 1880 Ings began speaking of an experiment he had begun of actually selling his tracts and papers, and by June even entire strangers were volunteering to sell papers "by the week."37 Tracts were placed in packages and sold at cost price, while the journals were sold at two cents each, the regular cost of a newspaper in England. Ings felt that this new plan of doing missionary work would, in fact, work well in American cities also. Going house to house with tracts he had discovered that few people refused to take what he offered free, but "there are many who do not read them." This he felt a waste of time and papers. He consequently experimented by placing four of the Mission's new eight-page tracts together in a package bound with a two inch wide wrap on which was printed: "Enclosed is a sample of tracts, to which I ask your earnest attention. I will call for them in about one week (D.V.) and take them up, unless you wish to keep them. If you should, you can have them for _." In this way the interested readers were found on the next call back. Ings discovered that those who were really interested either purchased them or expressed a desire to keep them. With such individua1s he left another package of a different kind "and continued until the truth is brought before them." Ings found that on the first time around he could leave as many as one hundred packages in two hours. It naturally took longer calling the second time. In this way he went systematically from house to house and village to village.38
Ings appeared to have enjoyed one-on-one contact with people. In the selling of his publications he looked for ways of helping individuals obtain a worthwhile Christian experience, and the following illustrates the appreciation felt, and expressed, for his visiting and witness:
I feel the comfort of trusting in the Lord. I have never felt so happy in all my life as I have of late. Oh, how I wish I had given my heart to God before; I only just begin to feel the pleasure of life. I have the Bible. I have plenty of time for prayer, and the will to keep the Sabbath day to the Lord. What a comfort to know that God sent his only begotten Son to redeem us. We can never be too thankful to the Lord for sending Mr Ings to us, who gave such good advice, and was the means of leading us to the Lord.39
Extensive Use of Signs of the Times
In the early part of 1879 the Mission had been receiving from America about 400 Signs weekly, but just as they were learning how to get "a better class of names" the number was suddenly reduced to just about 50. Loughborough made an appeal to Signs for help.40
During a sixteen week stay in Southampton,41 assisting with Loughborough's tent meetings in Romsey, Andrews was able to observe first hand the outreach work of the mission in Britain, especially that of literature and subscription distribution. He observed Loughborough "doing everything in his power to carry forward the work by preaching and by systematic tract distribution," and Ings "doing a great and noble work in placing our publications on ships and in selling and distributing from house to house." However, he felt "much more could be done if the Signs were used as extensively as they should be," and was prepared to "venture to make a suggestion."42 Andrews was convinced that the British Mission should adopt the same type of work as he had earlier commenced with Signes Des Temps among the French speaking people in Central Europe. He explained the system in a report to the General Conference in America:
You will understand that we take a list of one thousand or two thousand names, and send four papers in succession to each person, accompanied with letters; then, if we get no favorable response, we drop this list, and take as many more new names and repeat the process. We now consider our duty done for the present in the case of those who do not subscribe. Out of every such list we get a considerable number of favorable responses, and some subscribers with the money. But it is necessary to keep an alphabetical list of these names thus used, so that as we take new lists every few weeks we can strike from them all names that have been already used. Though the system we have adopted is simple, this work involves a great amount of labor.43
The first copy of Signs would contain a letter of introduction, the last a letter of invitation to subscribe. The idea was to reach "in a few months" several thousand families.44
Andrews suggested that Loughborough should receive not less than 1000 copies of the Signs each week and that these should be sent in the same systematic manner throughout England, following the same fixed plan as used in Basel. He believed this would accomplish what could not be done by tracts, and that the journal would "open the way for the living preacher."45
Believing there were many persons in America who would pay for the Signs, and also for the "considerable" postage within England, Andrews wrote to Oakland, California, asking for 1,000 copies, while wishing they would send 2,000 so that "it would look like doing something." Even though the venture would naturally increase the already busy work load of the Mission, Andrews believed "it would open many doors for the preaching of the truth." He was aware that America might consider this "too heavy an expense" but strongly expressed, "if it cannot be met, we may as well abandon the attempt to get the present truth before England."46 His convictions were such that he believed "the work in other countries of Europe will have to be opened in the same manner." He was convinced that while working this way in France and Switzerland "God has taught us how to reach the people, and our work is now very encouraging." He wants the same for England and, above all, to see Loughborough and Ings encouraged in the work:
I have had ample opportunity to see the situation of the cause in England and to judge of its wants. I therefore in the strongest manner pray that this mission may be re-inforced by a full supply of Signs of the Times. Bro. Loughborough is laboring hard to advance the work. I believe that this mission will accomplish a great work if it can be properly re-inforced by a supply of suitable papers. Bro. Ings is laboring with untiring zeal in placing publications on the steamships which touch this port, and also in selling and distributing papers and tracts everywhere. These brethren are doing all in their power to reach people.47
When Andrews made his request for the one thousand copies of Signs the decision "was no hasty move" by Loughborough and the British Mission, "but made after prayerful and careful deliberation." The Mission workers knew that to use the papers properly would involve them in work. What is more, Loughborough explained, "it was never designed that they should take the place of other efforts in the mission."48
By November Loughborough had heard from the General Conference that they intended the Mission to have "so large a number" of Signs with which to do missionary work. He was cheered at how the brethren in America "make so noble an effort to send us these papers," but recognized that it placed a responsibility on the mission to use the papers "in a proper manner."49
The Publishing Board of the General Conference made the decision official. They went a step further and in addition voted, 13 December 1880, a special edition of one thousand copies of the Review printed in the English language for use in the European field. The cost would be met "by those friends of the cause who would esteem it a pleasure to give free-will offerings to send the light of truth in the English language to the Old World." James White explained the format of this special edition:
That before this special edition be printed, the advertising page and the local matters of no special interest to European readers, be exchanged for a Youth's Department for the home circle, and one for Health and Temperance. The opinion prevailed, that the edition for Europe should in every respect be made an attractive and useful household journal, adapted, as far as possible, to the wants, as well as the tastes, of the European people.50
The General Conference Session then voted "that sufficient means be raised" to send the 1,000 copies of Signs to England, and that Loughborough was to furnish articles that would appeal to the British "sentiments and usages."51
Loughborough tried to prepare the American membership to give toward the special Signs program by sharing experiences relative to the present use of Signs. He reported:
We are exceedingly busy posting papers and corresponding with persons in various parts of the kingdom. The effects which we have already seen from this kind of labor, lead us to hope for still greater results, as we design to extend the effort with a larger number of Signs. The people read these papers, and then send them to their friends in other parts of the country. Last week we heard from one place where the Signs was read by an interested party before a large public audience.
Within the last month, we have received many letters from those who, having received one or more copies of the Signs second or third hand, wished to inquire the terms of subscription. Of these, some have already paid their yearly subscription, and others propose to do so with the new year.52
Loughborough also shared excerpts of letters received in way of thanks for these publications, believing that the one thousand additional Signs which the people in America intended to send each week "is in the order of the Lord."53
While waiting for the first issue to arrive the Mission prepared the way by listing names, "that we may be ready to enter more vigorously upon this work when the papers reach us." The editor of Signs encouraged the American membership to give of their means to help the British Mission to distribute them.54
Ings also indicated that the Mission was "looking and longing for that one thousand copies of Signs," and was anxious to learn of their arrival so that they might "joyfully dispose of them." Stressing how hard it was to work without materials, he indicated how prepared they were to "work early and late, if our good brethren will send them along."55
The one thousand additional Signs per week began arriving during February 1881. With the help of "papyrograph-print letters" a few workers were able to send out the total number of Signs. If letters had to be written by hand, Loughborough considered, "we could not use one-tenth of them, and still keep up other branches of the work." Now, Loughborough believed, Signs "is becoming a regular visitor at many English firesides."56
The distribution of the additional Signs did necessitate the involvement of the members of the Tract Society. It took time and care to get these individuals trained to do the new work, but by May 1881 Loughborough was able to report "that is now so far accomplished that the one thousand papers can be well cared for, and I be left free to enter the preaching field almost wholly." So confident was Loughborough in the Tract Society's ability to carry on the Signs project alone that he took two weeks for he and Mrs Loughborough to visit with Andrews in Switzerland which "was the occasion of much encouragment" to Andrews, and on his return, 26 May, Loughborough immediately prepared for a series of public meetings.57
Loughborough continued to promote the need for Signs. Throughout April and May 1881 articles appeared in Review indicating how the Mission was using what Signs they had and the results. The Mission was posting them out and receiving "tangible" results, and a number had subscribed for three, six, and twelve months. The letters again indicated how wide-spread was the field of labor and of interest. Letters came from such counties as Shropshire, Kent, Lancashire, Essex, Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, and Berkshire, and from such cities as London, Dover, Seaford, Chatham, Doncaster, Bristol, Plymouth, and Manchester. In the main, letters were favorable and wished the Mission success. The odd one expressed disinterest, one to the point of actually burning the paper. But Loughborough consoled himself with the knowledge that the king of Judah did the same thing with the words of truth from the prophet Jeremiah, and British martyrs John Rogers, John Bradford, and John Philpot suffered by burning for standing for principle, and their principles live on to bless England today.58
On 2 July 1881 the Tract Society held its quarterly meeting for the second period of the year, and in its report did indeed show an increase of work over the previous three months, with corresponding increases in results. The members wrote 6,886 letters compared with 4,275 during the first three months of 1881. They made 2,058 visits compared with 1,389 earlier, and distributed 58,372 pages of tracts compared with 42,000 January to March. They sent 15,270 periodicals compared with 10,000 the first three months of the year, and those earlier results had been an improvement over the last quarter of 1880. When we recognise that the number represents more than 1,175 each week, the 1,000 extra copies certainly made a difference. Loughborough considered that during the month of June alone "we have seen evidence that the attention of the people, in various parts of the kingdom, is being turned toward this Depository and our work. This confirms us in the conviction that the labor of posting our journals is not sowing seed in vain."59 Even public libraries were calling for bound volumes of Signs and Good Health for their reading rooms60 and it is known they were read regularly in such places as Plymouth.61 A request for all the Mission's health literature came from The Food Reform Co. of Belfast, Ireland.62 During March nearly 100 letters were received in response to the mailing of Signs, during the month of July the Mission received more letters in response to Signs and other papers sent out than during any previous month since they commenced posting them.63
Individuals and Tract Societies in America still continued to send literature direct to interested names, and correspond with those people independently of the Mission. A report of the Vigilant Missionary Society of Oakland, California, reported correspondence from Liverpool and Scotland, and from Winsdale in the Shetland Islands.64
A Printing Press Dream
It is no wonder the Mission concluded that "a paper seems to be an indispensible auxilary to our work in this mission." Although Loughborough hoped the American brethren would continue the one thousand Signs per week during 1882, he wished they would go one better and "permit a paper to be started here, either a monthly, or an eight-page semi-monthly of magazine form."65
Just prior to his departure from England in 1880 Andrews had reminded the leaders in America of their original plans for printing facilities in Britain on which to produce their own journal for "it still seems to me that a paper is of vital importance to the work in England."66 He believed a "paper printed in England would be better than one from America for obvious reasons."67
In all his planning Loughborough carried the belief that one day soon the Mission would have its own printing works. Although he gratefully acknowledged the interest of the American brethren "for what they have done in furnishing the papers," and although he saw them as "a great auxilary to the work" in England, he wanted this type of support only for a limited time, "until such time as publishing shall be commenced here."68 This dream Loughborough would be able to present to the General Conference Committee in person at the end of 1881.
Despite Ings success in home visitation it is obvious that his unique experience was in visiting ships. Ings was not the only religious person working the ships in Southampton and some of these other colporters, of other denominations, complained to Ings that they were often "ejected" from ships. However, Ings considered that he met with "more favor," and for him ship-work was "quite encouraging and has been from the commencement." He claimed that he had only once been ordered off a ship, "meet with but little opposition, and, in fact, God seems to open up the way to get the truth scattered." He left such things as permission to board, and the choosing of the seaman who would give him assistance "in sowing the seed of truth" among the sailors in the "hand of the Lord."69
Building a Reputation and Friendships
Ings found that in England ships were being supplied with "all manner of story tracts" and that sensible and intelligent people were disgusted with them. This made his work harder when individuals mistakenly believed his publications the same as others. Consequently he had first to bring out points of Bible truth in order to stimulate interest in his publications. An example of this Ings shared with Review readers:
I visited a ship two weeks ago, went into the cabin, saw the captain, and told him my business. Supposing my mission to be like that of many others who visited him at the different ports, he treated me rather coolly at first; but after a short conversation, he seemed to feel he had met a friend, and became so much interested in our views that he bought "Thoughts on Daniel," "Matthew Twenty-Four," "Our Faith and Hope," and "Eleven Sermons," and gave me the address of his friends, in order that Signs might be sent to them. The seafaring men are hungering for truth. They are heartily sick of chaff. I find many like the example given.70
Ings soon became well known at the docks, especially on ships that called at the port of Southampton on a regular schedule, and found that the second time round he was often actually invited to come aboard:
At first I had a hard time getting on these steamers, but my continual presence has given me favor, so that now I think many of the officers would miss me if I did not go. I am about as well known at the docks as I used to be at the Review office. I can pass in and out of the docks, without being annoyed to exhibit the contents of my black bag, as they call it here; and on Sundays, although the gates are closed except to those having business on the inside, they are opened to me without a question, but often with the request for some of our reading matter.71
Ings continued to be most impressed by "the kindness of those men who have charge of the ships" while at birth in Southampton, and considered God had raised them up to help the Mission:
They have never lost their interest in assisting us in every way possible in the work of sending out our publications, and are just as much rejoiced on hearing of any item of interest as we are ourselves. Surely the Lord has raised us up good substantial friends; and I hope that they may receive a reward with the faithful, and be dwellers in the kingdom of God.72
The ship ministry of the church was often a two way venture, with Seventh-day Adventist ship-workers often discovering information about a colleague in another place through meeting with crew members whose ships plied between certain ports. For example, the Durham had been loaded with wheat at the port of San Francisco, where she had received Signs and other publications from the tract distributor there. On arrival at Southampton Ings found the crew much interested, "especially in the writings of Sister White," and was pleased the church in America was now giving them wider circulation.73 On another occasion Ings reported:
I am satisfied that our publications are accomplishing their work, as we learn from the following incident: I visited a ship named the "Salient," and placed a copy of the Signs in the hands of one of the men. To my astonishment I was informed that they had been reading that paper. On saying perhaps it was a paper with that name, printed in London, the men said, "No, it was a paper that had Mrs White's articles in," and then they produced a copy that had been nearly worn out by reading. On further investigation, I learned that the papers were placed on the vessel at Alexandria, Egypt, by two men, one representing himself to be Dr. Ribton. The Boatswain had been troubled about the Sabbath question, and although he had made many inquiries concerning it, he received no light until he read the Signs. The man bought Bro. Andrew's Eleven Sermons, and was glad to take a supply of reading matter to distribute on the island of Sicily, and in other distant ports where they were going.74
In the port of San Francisco Seventh-day Adventists were the only mission doing ship-work, and the ship-missionaries there, Partridge and H.C.Palmer, found the same kind of response from ship personnel as did Ings.75 Palmer reported that several of the officers and men on ships visited by him "had previously heard of our papers in Europe, and had become greatly interested." He also noticed a marked increase in interest in Seventh-day Adventist publications, and "a matter of surprise and wonder to the sailors how we can afford to donate so largely to their benefit."76
Records of personal contacts with individuals appeared from time to time in the Review indicating the effects of Ings' work. They show the intense interest in religion by sea-faring men, who appeared more open to what seemed to many new ideas concerning the teachings of the Bible. Ings reported his visit with the captain of an English steamer trading with the Black Sea ports:
The captain was a congenial man, and I believe a Christian. I sold him "Thoughts on Daniel," "Thoughts on the Revelation," "Nature and Destiny of Man," "Age to Come," and "Facts for the Times." He said,"I believe the Lord sent you here, for these are just the books I wanted." I also talked with his mate, who was inbibing infidel principles, for the simple reason that he could not harmonize the teachings of men who claimed to be true exponents of the Bible; but when he saw how beautiful and harmonious the Bible is as interpreted by us as a people, he saw consistency in the word of God, and informed me he should take more pleasure in perusing it hereafter. He purchased some of our works, and we mutually enjoyed an hour's conversation.77
Ings found the seafaring men more than willing to help him in the distribution of good religious literature. A soldier, on board a Dutch boat bound for the East Indies and carrying a number of German and Dutch soldiers, volunteered to help circulate the papers and tracts among his ship mates. He returned the money collected and seemed "as earnest in the work as I would be," Ings reported. At one time a steward on a German boat bound for New York took Ings around the docks urging the passengers to purchase his publications. The ship personnel on the Oriental boats gave the "greatest help in circulating the publications in the East Indies and the stewards on the Brazil, West Indies and Cape of Good Hope boats manifested no less zeal."78 One day Ings had the fortunate experience of visiting a ship that supplied lighthouses with oil. The captain bought some papers, attended a meeting at Ravenswood conducted by Loughborough, and was much impressed with what he heard. Consequently he offered help to the Mission by placing packages of publications in the fifty-seven lighthouses which he visited.79 A man from London became convinced of the truth of the Sabbath as a result of receiving missionary publications from his brother, a ship's steward.80
As well as Ings, other British Mission workers came to know many of the personnel on the vessels that regularly called at Southampton, especially those that circumnavigated the British Isles. It was not surprising therefore that they would share in the sadness when ships went down and lives were lost, as they did in 1880, and reported to the believers in America:
Sadness is in many hearts and homes here at the loss of friends by the wreck of vessels in the severe gales of the last fortnight. Last week the London Shipping and Mercantile Gazette contained the following: "We do not know that it has ever been our lot to record such a list of maritime disasters as has resulted from the violence of the late gales. Our impression of Tuesday contained upward of three hundred casualties. At Lloyd's as many as one hundred and thirty losses were posted in one day. . . . So sudden and so violent a visitation has seldom been experienced in these latitudes." Be it understood that the above casualties were all on the coast of Great Britain.81
Later Lloyd's report for the month of January l881 would show over twice as many wrecks that month as in the same length of time, at the same season of the year, for many years, due to the "snowy and blustering" weather and the violent storms.82 Loughborough expressed his inner spiritual feelings:
Just now we are having more calm weather, for which we praise God. How blest is quiet after the storm; but what must the peace of that haven be, when all the storms and tempests of life are past, and we are safely housed in the city of God! Oh that we may safely reach that nearing shore!83
Such happenings urged Loughborough on in his work resulting from a realization of the Biblical signs of Christ's second coming, with "the sea and the waves roaring: men's hearts failing them for fear, and for looking after those things which are coming on the earth; for the powers of heaven shall be shaken,"84 and saw in "these convulsions of nature" a fulfillment of the words of the Psalmist.85
Loughborough had cause to wonder again during 1881 when the Register of British Wrecks recorded a loss of 90 vessels, valued at $35,000,000, in the gale of 13,14 October, making a total of 1,454 vessels wrecked for the year to that time, 417 more than for the same period of 1880.86
Foreign Language Ship Work
Loughborough considered the ship-work at Southampton "especially interesting, so many nationalities are represented." He was pleased to have reading material in "the various languages" to give to foreign interests. A Danish captain, whose vessel loaded at Southampton with railroad irons for Baltimore, USA, spent two evenings with Loughborough, and showed enough interest to purchase a full set of all the literature in the depository that was in the Danish language. These he intended reading while crossing the Atlantic, comparing their teaching with the Bible in which he was well versed. He believed before meeting up with Loughborough, that "the end was near," and that "there was to be a specific message before the end." His friend, a Norwegian captain, also obtained papers and books in his own language.87
Ings also found "many readers among the foreign element," such as Swedes, Danes, Russians, and Hollanders, and they especially treated him "very cordially indeed," speaking with him in the English language.88 Ings always looked forward to visiting on the Norwegian and Danish boats, taking "much pleasure in conversing with the sea-faring men of these nationalities." He believed "their habits are much above those of the majority of sailors of other nations," for him an indication that God had many children in these countries.89
During 1879 and 1880 Ings boarded German steamers that called in at Southampton every Tuesday on their way from Bremen to New York, with as many as three hundred passengers aboard. It was on these lines that he began "the experiment of selling our tracts," believing that "what they pay for they do not destroy," and discovered that in a few minutes he could sell papers and tracts in four different languages, besides his free distribution of other materials. He generally spent two or three hours with the passengers before sailings.90
By mid 188l the North German Lloyd Line was also providing "an excellent opportunity to send the truth to all parts of America." Each week their steamers were crowded with passengers, and during the summer of 1881 there were at times "as many as fourteen hundred on board, but generally one thousand." The passengers were made up principally of Germans, Swedes, Danes, and Norwegians, "the Germans preponderating." Ings discovered that many of this class "regard not God" but were "susceptable to truth."91
It was not easy work that Ings sought to do aboard these emigrant ships. He reported receiving jeers and scoffs, but these were offset by "some who make my heart glad." He often saw groups from ten to twenty "huddled" together "eagerly reading the precious truth," and some would take him by the hand and point to heaven. Others who could speak some English would thank him, some would purchase more and request him to post them to their friends.92
The Mission also saw much light in placing their literature in the hands of these emigrants. They would be going to many parts of the American continent and could carry the beliefs to their friends. Ings believed it "an excellent way of introducing our periodicals among these nationalities who will make their home in America,"93 and that in this way "the seeds of truth are scattered to all parts of my adopted country."94 He expected "to see fruit in the Kingdom of God" as a result of this work.95
On occasions Ings would discover passengers and ship's personnel who had had contact with the Mission work of Seventh-day Adventists in other parts of the world. This was frequent on the German steamers between Bremen and New York. On one occasion he met a number of Norwegians leaving for Chicago who had heard a Bro. Jasperson speak at Skien, Norway, and showed much interest in the tracts and papers obtained from Ings. Many spoke frequently mentioning Matteson, the Superintendent of the Scandinavian Mission, whose work in Scandinavia was known "far and near." As soon as they learned that Ings knew Matteson and held the same views a crowd always gathered, some disagreeing with those views, others advocating his teachings. On such occasions "tracts and papers are eagerly taken" by passengers who were anxious to obtain literature in the four languages of Danish, Swedish, German and English.96
Often the ship workers had the opportunity to visit with other Seventh-day Adventists who were shipboard to some port in Europe. On 12 April 188l Loughborough and Ings, together with their families, spent half an hour with Matteson aboard the steamer Neckar which made a halt at Southampton on its way to Bremmen from New York. These lonely Americans were glad to see him, "but should have enjoyed it still more if he could have spent a week or more with us." Also aboard the same steamer was Bertha Stein, a member whom they had known in Oakland, California, and she did stay a day with them in Southampton before visiting her native home in Germany, where she planned to interest her friends in her beliefs.97
By mid-l88l it seems that circumstances turned much of the trade from the port of Southampton, and much of Ings work was confined to the regular lines of steamers "touching here."98
Literature Distribution Overseas
It is interesting to observe how, and how much, the Mission literature was disceminated overseas. The steward of a steamer sailing to the Brazils gave papers and tracts to the people there, and did not have enough to supply the demand. Another steamer of the P and O Lines bound for the East Indies accepted packages of publications to be read by passengers and crew. They requested more such reading matter on their return, and the steward helped to finance the work and volunteered to take contributions from the captain and other crew members. Four packages of papers were entrusted to a crew member of a steamer bound for the East Indies. Two were to be handed to others, two to be retained by the crew. A steward reported later that the crew read "with eagerness." One crew member, a Frenchman, wrote Andrews requesting Les Signes and became a subscriber. The steward gave Ings two shillings and sixpence toward the work and "pressed me to dine on the ship."99
Ings reported that officers of boats "going to distant countries spare no pains to do anything for us by circulating the truth wherever they go." Les Signes were bundled and taken to Port au Prince by one officer. Another placed publications in all the light houses on the Red Sea. They took packages to distribute aboard other ships that spent long periods of time from home and at different stations on the routes.100 Also Ings used the officers of the different steamship companies who did business in the East and West Indies, Brazil, and the Cape of Good Hope. He strongly believed that "the Lord is very good in raising us up friends to assist in the work." Stewards on these vessels reported that "the papers previously placed on these boats were read with eager interest by the passengers and gladly received at all the ports on these routes."101 A tract, Who Changed the Sabbath, travelled from the West Indies to London in a box of oranges where a ship keeper, friendly to the Mission, added further tracts and let it continue to its destination. Somehow they figured the tract had crossed the Atlantic three times.102
Ships carried French papers to the French islands in the West Indies. Eventually arrangements were made to send to every port "in these far-off islands."103 After ascertaining the nationality of the people inhabiting the different islands visited by steamers leaving Southampton they sent sixty-three packages of publications through the kindness of officers. Generally speaking they put together a few copies of Signs, Review, Good Health, and the Instructor, with a few pages of tracts. These were addressed to the agent of the company at the different ports of call. They enclosed a letter asking him "to accept them, and after selecting much as would be of interest to himself, pass the others to his friends."104 Ings suggested to his readers that they take a map and trace on it where the sixty-three packages went. The number of destinations was impressive:
The following are the ports that the sixty-three packages have gone to; Barbadoes, Jacmel, Kingston, Port au Prince, Colon, Simon, Grey Town, Tobego, Trinadad, Demerara, St Lucia, Martinique, Dominica, Guadaloupe, St Kitts, St Thomas, Porto Rico, Havana, Port Cabello, Carril, Vigo, Lisbon, Maccio, Pernambuco, Bahia, Rio de Janiero, Monte Video, Beunos Ayres, Cape Verde, and Cape Haytien. The above are chiefly in the West Indies and South America. The following are in the East Indies, etc.: Gibraltar, Malta, Port Said, Suez, Aden, Bombay, Galle, Madras, Calcutta, Penang, Singapore, Shanghai, Queensland, King George's Sound, Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney. The following are ports of the Cape of Good Hope, etc.: Madeira, St Helena, Cape Town, Mossel Bay, Port Elizabeth, Port Alfred, East London, Durban, Mozambique, and Zanzibar.105
Ings believed the plan worked well and records indicate interesting end results of some packages. A gentleman conducting a mission at Cape Haytien requested a regular subscription to Signs and asked for other reading matter to circulate in his mission, even being willing to pay for it. As a result, the idea was born of sending a second lot of packages to all the places above mentioned and having them, this time, "placed in the hands of those having charge of the missions" in these various countries.106
By mid-year 1881 the Mission was also placing a package of literature on every steamer that left Southampton intended specifically for the use of passengers. An officer on one of the West Indian boats took a supply of English, Danish, French and Spanish publications "to place in the hands of those who are journeying from one port to another."107
At the end of September 1881 the Mission learned of a free reading room for sailors at the harbor of Odessa, Southern Russia, on the shores of the Black Sea. Odessa, being the great grain outlet for the vast quantities of grain grown in Southern Russia, attracted ships from England. The English Consul and English residents at Odessa erected a sailors' home at the port in an attempt to counteract the evil influences of the area. Captains had the privilege of furnishing the books and papers to the reading room. One such captain offered to place some of the Mission papers there. The Mission made up a parcel consisting of one of their "ship libraries," some back numbers of Review, Signs, Instructor, Good Health, and True Missionary.108
Indicators of Success
During the quarter April to June 1880 Ings reported that for a three month period 1,453 English, 74 French, 159 German, and 207 Danish, Swedish and Dutch periodicals had been placed on vessels sailing out of Southampton. Also 7,096 pages of tracts in the English language, 9,066 in German, 1,798 in Swedish, 1,052 in Danish, 164 in French and Italian. They had done this work on 157 ships.109
During the next three months of July, August, and September 1880, 22,610 pages of tracts were given away or sold, 1,586 periodicals were given away or sold, on 97 ships. This was somewhat less than normal due to the Mission's tent meetings and less shipping.110 During the winter months, especially when winters were severe, less trade was carried on between Southampton and the North due to the ice conditions. This resulted in less ships for Ings to visit.111
It is difficult to even begin to ascertain the true results of this amount of time and effort that went into the work of the Mission. Certainly many were seriously impressed by the work of the British Mission. The captain of a coastal freight steamer considered himself a profane man before reading Signs. His interest and concern were indicative of many others:
I can never forget your kindness and good advice to me, nor the mercies the Lord has shown me. I am now rid of my old habits of smoking, drinking, and swearing. Thank the Lord! I have a happier home now. My little children are very much pleased with the Instructor. I pray night and morning. I hope the Lord will open the way, so that my wife and five children can be near you, to attend Sabbath school and meetings. I think the Lord will yet open up a way for me to obey all his commandments.112
The captain of an American vessel was "fully convinced that the seventh day is the Sabbath." The captain of the small sailing vessel that ran between Southampton and the Is1e of Wight, since reading the publications of the Mission, had stopped the use of tobacco and intoxicating drinks, had overcome the habit of using profane language and "is now a praying man." He was "much troubled about the Sabbath question; that it is no use to attempt to serve God, and, at the same time, trample his Sabbath under foot." He bought Thoughts on Revelation, Ministration of Angels, Eleven Sermons on the Sabbath and Law, and became a subscriber to Signs and Instructor.113
Ings realized "we cannot tell how great impression our publications are making upon minds, and the result of our labors will never be seen in this life."114 He recognized that "labor on ships is different from that on land; for the results cannot be so fully known in this life," although he was able to report "conversions as the direct result of labor on ships:"
A captain who has been brought from sin and degradation to be a praying man, by reading our publications, has witnessed the conversion of his wife, who is now respecting the Sabbath of the Lord. The captain is now actively engaged in extending the light to others. Thus "Philip called Nathaniel."115
The steward of a steamer spent several evenings with the Mission and he and his wife began keeping the Sabbath, expressing a desire to "identify themselves with us in the truth." By the beginning of February 1880 they had joined the newly formed Tract and Missionary Society, carrying supplies of tracts and papers with them on each of their trips, doing missionary work on the steamer, and at the English and Scottish ports visited by their ship.116 Ings reported that both came to the Mission as a direct result of ship-work in Southampton. He considered that "they are excellent people" and that their visits to Ravenswood are eagerly looked forward to by them and the Mission personnel. He believed that they had an excellent opportunity to circulate the truth.117
Other ship's captains, with Seventh-day Adventist connections, brought cases of literature from America to Southampton, such as Captain Christiansen of the ship Beta and Captain Stanton of the ship Maduro, whose wife was a Seventh-day Adventist from Oakland, California.118 One case in particular Loughborough thought Review readers would appreciate hearing about:
As there is something in this case that is encouraging to missionary workers, I will give a few particulars. On Sept. 14, 1880, I sent a list of twenty-two names and addresses to Bro. Geo. R. Drew, of St. Helena, Cal.: and papers and letters were sent to these persons by the vigilant missionary society of that place. Among the persons to whom papers were sent was an athiest. On receiving the Signs, he did not read them himself, but gave them to one of his acquaintances whom he thought might be interested in perusing them. The one thus receiving the papers, after reading, and seeing the notice of this depository, sent to subscribe for the paper one year. This led to correspondence, and the purchase of books on different points of our faith, and finally to the reception of the truth taught in the Signs. This person got the papers and books into the hands of an acquaintance, who also accepted the truth, and both have been baptized, as stated above.119
By 31 March 1881, 27 months from commencing the ship-work, Ings was able to report a total of 866 ships visited. More than one for every day of his time in England.120
Ings never considered his work a waste of time because he apparently saw few results. In fact, "many to my knowledge have been benefited by reading, and this has stimulated me to continue in the work."121 Loughborough had earlier stated, "We see no other way but to persevere in sowing the seed as we have opportunity, praying and hoping that, with the blessing of God, some of it may grow and produce an abundant harvest."122
Loughborough's reports to the Review included a number of accounts of personal work outside the Southampton area because he feared lest the American membership "think that because we have made our home at this place, our work has altogether been confined to the locality," and this was not true.123
In a letter dated 21 February 1880, Ings stated that although "it takes longer here to weigh evidence than in America," some "calls are beginning to come in for the living preacher" from places removed from Southampton.124
A small group of individuals in the rural town of Taunton, Somersetshire, invited Loughborough to conduct four weeks of lectures in their town. The invitation came through Veysey. Loughborough left for Taunton on 25 or 26 February 1880 to fulfill this request.125 The group had recently begun to observe the Sabbath and wished to learn on "other points of present truth." The meeting's were conducted in Veysey's school-room, in the school at which he taught. Most of those present had at one time been Christadelphians, followers of John Thomas of Virginia, USA, and they wished to examine the Scriptures in respect to their previous beliefs. These, according to Loughborough, "consisted quite largely in negatives," believing as they did in "no pre-existence of Christ; no devil; no Holy Spirit aside from the word; no law; no resurrection for a large portion of the human race." By the time Loughborough had spent time examining their earlier beliefs with them "the company here is now in harmony with us on these points." Seven signed the covenant, among whom was Veysey. Others he left "investigating with interest" and some of these later became Sabbath-keepers.
While in Taunton Loughborough did conduct two general public meetings in Assembly Hall, Market House. These were well attended, but he refrained from conducting more due to political excitment over the coming parliamentary elections. As the hall cost $5 per night he "did not deem it best to risk so great an expense in such an exciting time." However, Loughborough saw the meetings in Taunton as "only the beginning" of work in that city.126
London and the Midlands
During April 1880 Loughborough visited London, Birmingham, and Wolverhampton. He departed for London Wednesday 7 April where he visited with "parties who had become deeply interested in our views by reading, and who were much strengthened by the opportunity of conversing on Bible truth." He "again" visited with Jones and stayed in his "hospitable home" at 15 Mill Yard, Goodman's Fields, East London. Like Andrews before him, he spent time with Jones visiting the British Museum and taking an historic tour of the city and the sites of early Sabbatarian worship. On Sabbath l0 April he spoke to Jones' congregation at Mill Yard church.127
Loughborough reports leaving London on Monday 12 April and departing for Wolverhampton on Tuesday 13 April.128 No details are available concerning the visit although one may suppose that he attended annual Temperance or Vegetarian Society meetings. The reason for his trip to Birmingham is also not known, but he may have visited with the governess in that city who had been keeping the Sabbath with her mistress's permission.129
Romsey, Southampton and Andrews
In June 1880 Loughborough conducted two Sunday meetings in the Town Hall, Romsey, just seven or eight miles from Ravenswood. Romsey was "a fine city", with a population of between six and seven thousand. Speaking on the doctrine of "no eternal life out of Christ," Loughborough found a number out of "a good interest" already believers in the doctrine. As a result of the interest engendered Loughborough decided to pitch his tent in Romsey when the weather improved.130
Consequently, by Wednesday 16 June we find men clearing ground and pitching tent at Romsey, Loughborough spending the night in the tent, and Ings arranging the seats the following day.131 Loughborough found the tent in much better condition than he had feared it would be after exposure to the rains of the previous winter. It was situated in a beautiful meadow which had at one time belonged to the estate of Lord Palmerston. The site was in the eastern part of the borough, a short distance from the center of the city. The meetings commenced on Sunday 20 June 1880 at 3:00 P.M., with four meetings being conducted each week. Ings became involved as tent-master, while trying to maintain his other work on ship and in home visitation. Andrews joined them from Switzerland on 26 June, "as an act of faith," stayed more than four months, and assisted as his health would allow for he was a sick man.132 Andrews was confined to bed for thirty-six hours after arrival in England and was almost a week before being able to help with the Romsey meetings.133 It is thought that Andrews was able to halve Loughborough's work load of six meetings each week.134
Following Loughborough's eighteenth lecture, "an investigation of the immortality question," he reported as good an attendance "as could be expected." By this time his many friends had contributed nearly enough in donations to meet the running cost of the meetings.135
On 28 July, one month after his arrival at Southampton, Andrews wrote America that Loughborough is making a "great effort for the salvation of men." He, with the other workers, was "much cheered by the interest manifested."136 A month later he felt that the prospects of success at Romsey were encouraging, but that they had much to learn about working in the Old World.137
After twenty-six meetings in the tent Loughborough had thoroughly covered the question of immortality and was beginning to speak on the subjects of law and Sabbath. The interest continued to be "quite good thus far" and there was "hope it may increase." The Ravenswood meetings were also reporting increase in numbers and interest.138 However, on the Sabbath afternoon of 7 August 1880 a severe gale tore four sections out of the tent roof, so badly damaging them that the tent was rendered useless until repaired. The Romsey tent meetings were brought to a close after twenty nine lectures.139 On Monday 19 August they "took down tent and moved all to Southampton."140
This forced closure must have come at an inopportune time for Loughborough who had just started his discussions on the Sabbath topic. However, he was able to continue the meetings at the Town Hall every Sunday afternoon and evening, at a rental cost of $2.60 per day, but "the attendance is not so great as in the tent." He reported "a few accepted the truth" as a result of the meetings.141 With the help of Andrews meetings were continued at Ravenswood each Sunday, Wednesday, and Sabbath.142
Early in July Veysey and his wife spent a few days at the tent meetings, and during the presentation of the Sabbath issue, 4 July, Loughborough welcomed Jones and Carpenter down from London.143 These men spoke at the meetings in Ravenswood on the Sabbath day. Jones shared information concerning his recent trip to Haarlem, Holland, and of the Sabbath cause there. He also attempted to show the universal acceptance of the Sabbath as the seventh calendar day of the week with the use of a recent table he had researched. Loughborough later made the table available to Review readers:
Bro. J. has recently completed a very interesting table of the names of the days of the week in eighty-one different languages with their equivalent in English. This chart should be in the hands of every Sabbath keeper. Its great value is, that it shows at a glance, two things: 1. That all those nations count the days of the week alike; 2. That more than a score of them, although paying no religious regard to the seventh day Sabbath, yet call it "the Sabbath."
The chart is valuable to any one who has a desire to tract the names of days or weeks in these eighty-one different languages, whatever their faith or views in other matters.144
Attention was called to this chart on many occasions over the coming years.
At the point of returning to Switzerland Andrews reported, 8 October l880, that the people at Romsey were making their decisions respecting the Sabbath, and that Loughborough and Ings were still spending time there each week. The ministers of some of the churches were going from house to house to persuade the people not to keep the Sabbath, and in several of the churches sermons had been preached seeking to prove that the Sabbath had been changed or abolished, or that God had done both these things. However, Loughborough reported that several "are convinced of the truth and their duty. As yet, only a few have had the courage to obey."145 Eventually some did take a stand, at least for the Sabbath, and some desired baptism.146
At the baptism of 24 July 1880 Loughborough performed a service of annointing with oil on behalf of Andrews, according to the directives of the apostle James.147 An especially called church-wide day of fasting and prayer for the health of Andrews had been called by the leaders in America, and some improvement in Andrews' health and abilities was noted "from that very hour." However his "feebleness still continues, and at times my cough is bad," but Andrews believed God had heard the prayers of the membership and "if he spares my life, I mean that it shall be devoted to his service." In some respects his health was better, at least for a while.148
Andrews had originally planned to return to Switzerland on 23 August but was too ill to travel.149 By 15 September he was seeing doctors150 and he was advised to give up preaching.151 Loughborough sent for Andrew's son Charles and together they returned to Switzerland on 18 October.152 Anna Loughborough believed Andrews would die of consumption unless God worked on his behalf.153 Andrews admitted to having "gone to the utmost limit of my strength." Before leaving he was examined by two physicians who informed him that he must get away from the fogs of England, stop preaching, and did not speak encouragingly in respect to his restoration to health.154 Loughborough had nothing but praise for Andrews who "sees so much to be done, and such increasing interest in the work in Switzerland, that he longs to live that he may labor in the vineyard."155
In May 1881 Loughborough wrote America indicating his interest in conducting another series of public meetings, after a visit to Switzerland, "either with the tent or without, in some new field." He expressed that the literature program of the Mission could be managed by the members of the Tract Society without his assistance, so freeing him "to enter the preaching field almost wholly."156 He departed for Switzerland Wednesday 11 May and did not return to Southampton until Thursday 26 May. While there he visited Basel to consult with Andrews "concerning the mutual interests of the work."157 However, on his return and after giving some thought to the matter he realised there were some things he could not do by himself, "I hardly deemed my strength sufficient to engage in tent-meetings alone." The decision was therefore made not to repair the damaged tent for that 1881 summer, but to use other means of labor.158
In June 1881 Loughborough began meetings at Woolstone, a few miles from Southampton and Ravenswood. Here they had been offered the use of a room, free, for each Sunday. Loughborough reported "a few came in, and listened with good attention" and showed themselves willing to follow up their interest "with careful reading."159 After four Sunday meetings Loughborough was able to report, on 18 July, that he had spoken on themes relative to "the promises of God, the work of the Saviour for us, and our own utter inability to do aught acceptable to God without that grace which is in Christ."160 On Sunday 17 July he spoke on Rom.4:2,3 concerning the relation between belief and law.161
Loughborough wrote to America regarding "one strange feature" in Woolstone, that of the parish vicar who took it upon himself to visit from house to house, warning people to stay away from the meetings. He instructed them to continue in the ways of their fathers and to be safe. Loughborough appeared more amused than concerned:
He knew us not, nor what we were teaching. To those who had candidly heard us, the vicar's warning sounded strangely. As for myself, his course reminded me much of a statement made by William Tyndall relative to his opponents. They were warning people against him while he was teaching what they professed to believe and teach. He said he did not know why they objected, unless it was because what he said was not "hammered on their anvil."162
Ryde, Isle of Wight
On Wednesday 3 August Loughborough removed the tent from storage and shipped it to the Isle of Wight at the mouth of Southampton Waters. He followed on Friday, travelling via Cowes to Ryde on the north east corner of the island, where he assisted in its erection for a Mr. Wales.163 Just how the tent was used, or what meetings were conducted, is not known. Certainly it was not sold for it was to be used again in May 1882,164 and was not sold until sometime in 1883.165 Perhaps the excercise was for no other purpose than the repair of the tent which had been damaged at the time of the Romsey meetings.
On 7 October 1881 Loughborough left Southampton via Basingstoke, Reading, and Birmingham166 for the town of Darlaston, Staffordshire, where he conducted a series of meetings 9-16 October. On the Sunday evening he commenced the series of meetings in the Public Hall with a first night attendance of over one hundred persons. But attendance at the meetings was not good and "few attended" due to prior committments. On 13 and 14 "a very terrific gale made it unsafe to venture out." During the length of his stay at Darlaston Loughborough was given "a home" by a family who had been reading publications sent them by the Mission.
As always, Loughorough was interested in the history and religious setting of his would-be audience. On arrival from Southampton he left the train at Wednesbury, and walked with a friend to Darlaston one and one half miles away, for it was at Wednesbury that both John and Charles Wesley had suffered persecution at the hands of a mob intent on taking their lives. Loughborough observed that "their earnest labors, and sufferings in these parts have bourne fruits that remain," and found that in Darlaston the "main strength of dissenters at this point is Methodism." Two large chapels, one Wesleyan and the other Primitive, were both well filled with worshipers. On the first Sunday morning Loughborough attended the Wesleyan chapel and "listened to an earnest discourse," and in the afternoon spoke for half an hour to over two hundred Sunday-school scholars. That evening he began his public series.167
On the second Sunday morning Loughborough attended services in the Primitive Methodist Church, and by invitation addressed their Sunday School of over 600 scholars in the afternoon. He gave them a description of Chinese idol worship as witnessed in San Francisco, California. The Primitives commenced revival meetings of their own the week following.
On Monday 17 October Loughborough travelled to Manchester to attend the annual meeting of the British Anti-Tobacco and Anti-Narcotic League, of which he was now a member. He had opportunity to address the assembly. The same day he attended the annual meetings of the United Kingdom Temperance Alliance, of which he was also a member.168 The general council and "five or six thousand" members met on 18 October to be addressed by eight members of Parliament. On 19 October Loughborough attended the English Vegetarian Society's "Diatetic Reform" meetings. He was also a member of this Society and gave an address at the request of the executive regarding the Health and Temperance movement in the United States. During his time in Manchester Loughborough stayed in the home of Frank Spence, Secretary of the Anti-Narcotic League.169
By 1886 Wilcox was able to state that the acquaintances formed at these meetings each year opened channels for the sale of the church's publications, and that some of the members of these societies "have become observers of the Bible Sabbath."170
After one more day in Darleston, Thursday 20 October, Loughborough returned home to Southampton inspired171 and by 10 November 1881 had obtained 14 signatures to the Teetotal Pledge in Southampton.172
Loughborough's report to the General Conference of 1881 would show 80 Sabbath-keepers in Great Britain.173 Just what connection these had to the Seventh-day Adventist church Loughborough does not say.
Loughborough's work in the British Mission was cut short when, at the invitation of the General Conference Committee, on 15 November 188l he departed Southampton on the steamer Rhein of the North German Lloyd Line to attend the coming sessions of the General Conference in Battle Creek, arriving New York Friday 2 December 1881. The meetings commenced 1 December.174 He would not be back in Southampton until 24 January 1882.175
The request of the General Conference Committee for Loughborough's attendance at the December session left him with little time to make the necessary arrangements, and certainly no time to obtain the necessary money from America to meet the needs of the Mission during his absence and at the same time purchase his ticket. He made it a matter of prayer, which was answered the day the tickets were to be purchased. A member in north England sent the Mission his quarterly tithe amount early stating that he was "powerfully impressed" that Loughborough was in need of the forty dollars. A gentleman "not of our faith," a Baptist, with whom Loughborough had stayed in Manchester while attending the Vegetarian Society meetings, also felt impressed to send him twenty-five dollars "to aid in your work." This had to be Frank Spence, Secretary of the Anti-Narcotic League.176
This General Conference Session would be the first without the driving force of James White, who had died two days following his sixtieth birthday from "malarial fever," Sabbath 6 August 1881.177 It would also be an important meeting for Loughborough, in that the General Conference Committee had indicated their intention that he would return to England with "a force of workers" to be trained by him for work in England. However, that promise was made in order that he could be soon released from the British Mission to again work in America.178
At the fifth meeting of the General Conference Session in Battle Creek, at 10:00 A.M. on 5 December l88l, Loughborough was invited to open the session with prayer, was then "cordially welcomed as a delegate from England," and placed on various committees.179
On Wednesday evening of 7 December at 6:00 P.M. the first meeting of the Health and Temperance Association was held, followed at 7:00 P.M. by "an interesting lecture" by Loughborough concerning the temperance and vegetarian work in England. He indicated that in Southampton there were "quite a number" of signers of the teetotal pledge.180
On listening to Loughborough's report in respect to his "acquaintance" with the English Vegetarian Society, The United Kingdon Temperance Alliance and the Anti Narcotic League, and hearing of the "principles maintained" by these societies, the Association delegation voted to authorize him a representative of the American Health and Temperance Association, and allow him to publish his adddress in England.181
On 6 December Loughborough reported to the General Tract and Missionary Society "respecting the work in England."182 Loughborough's official report for the British Mission was for three years, 1879-1881. It showed 22,774 families visited, 18,526 letters written, 69,985 periodicals disposed of, 1,186 ships visited, and a total of 753,844 pages of tracts and pamphlets loaned or given away.183 Considering the official report for the year ending October 1881 Loughborough must have appeared to have been exaggerating. During the previous year America boasted 7,830 Tract and Missionary members compared with 29 in England. However, the American members had made 25,528 missionary visits compared with 6,523 by their British counterparts. They had written 28,432 letters as against 12,665 by the English members. Perhaps a less impressive comparison was with pages of publications distributed, 4,959,926 by the American Society and 212,386 by the British.184
On 9 December at 2:00 P.M. Loughborough gave an "interesting report" of his latest visit to Switzerland.
These reports seem to have resulted in a "request by vote" for Loughborough to "make a full statement of the conditions and prospects of the English Mission," Sabbath 10 December at 10:30 A.M.185 and this he did.
Loughborough was the only overseas missionary leader present in person, Andrews and Matteson representing their respective missions only by correspondence.186 This consequently left the floor open to Loughborough as the authority on overseas missions, and he appears to have taken advantage of the situation in his promotion of the British Mission. So much so that he was asked to speak again in the afternoon, giving "a stirring discourse relative to the English mission." He outlined the "peculiarities of the situation, the obstacles which they learned by experience were to be surmounted, and the cheering prospect that is now beginning to appear." He considered that the providence of God was opening ways before them and raising up friends to help them in their work. He also gave an account of the shipwork carried out in the port of Southampton, tracing out on a large map of the world all the places to which the Church's publications had been sent. It must have been an impressive presentation. Certainly the secretary of the Conference delegation was "deeply impressed with a sense of the facts that prophecy is fast fulfilling, and the great consumation is drawing near."187
1Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 11 March 1880, p.172; ST, 11 March 1880, p.114.
2Loughborough, Diary, 4-8 February 1880.
3Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 11 March 1880, p.172; ST, 11 March 1880, p.114; RP, p.321; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
4Loughborough, "England," RH, 22 April 1880, p.268; "The Cause in England," ST, 11 March 1880, p.114.
5Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 5 August 1880, p.104.
6ibid., 26 August 1880, p.156; ST, 26 August 1880, p.380.
7ibid., 16 September l880, p.204; ST, 16 September 1880, p.417.
8Loughborough, Diary, 1 September 1880.
9Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 11 November l880, p.316; ST, 18 November 1880, p.512.
10Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 19 July 1881, p.58; ST, 21 July 1881, p.320.
11Loughborough, Diary, 2 July 1881.
12ibid., 1 August 1881.
13Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 6 September,1881 p.170; RP, p.321; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
14Loughborough, "Cause in England," ST, 8 December 1881, p.549.
15Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 8 July l880, p.44.
16ibid., RH, 11 November 1880, p.316.
17Loughborough, "The Work in England," RH, 3 May 1881, p.284.
18Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 27 March 1879, p.102.
19Loughborough, "A Tract Society in England," RH, 5 February 1880, p.91; "Southampton, England," ST, 5 February 1880, p.54; In America the Society had earlier operated under the title of Vigilant Missionary Society, see SDAE, art. "Tract and Missionary Societies."
21ibid.; Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 11 March l880, p.172; "England," 22 April l88O, p.268; "Southampton, England," ST, 5 February 1880, p.54.
24Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 26 February l880, p.140; "The Cause in England," 11 March l880, p.172; "Southampton England," ST, 4 March 1880, p.101.
25Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 26 February 1880, p.140.
26Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 5 August 1880, p.104.
27Loughborough, Diary, 16 January, 26 May, 1880.
28The term "colporteur" was used interchangeably with that of "canvasser" and refered to a Seventh-day Adventist who regularly sold denominational literature house to house, usually for a living. See SDAE, art., "Literature Evangelist."
29Loughborough, "National T. and M. Society of Great Britain," RH, 29 April 1880, p.286; cf "T. and M. Work in England," 20 February 1880, p.108; M. L. Huntley, "Summary of Missionary Work," RH, 10 June 1880, p.379.
30Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 5 February l880, p.92.
31ibid.; Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 26 February 1880, p.140.
32Loughborough, "Missionary Work in England," RH, 10 June 1880, p.379; "The Cause in England," 8 July 1880, p.44; "England - Missionary Work," ST, 17 June 1880, p.273
33Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 11 March 1880, p.172.
34See for example ST, 13 January 1881, p.24; 12 January 1882, p.24.
37Loughborough, "Missionary Work in England," RH, 10 June 1880, p.379.
38Ings to Vigilant Missionary Society at Battle Creek, 21 February 1880, "Letter From England," RH, 25 March 1880, p.205; Huntley, "Ship Work in England," 16 December 1880, p.394.
39Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 12 April 1881, p.234; see also ST, 14 April 1881, p.176.
40Loughborough to Signs, "Signs from England," ST, 1 July 1880, p.296.
41Andrews, "Arrival at Southampton, England," RH, 19 August 1880, p.140; "The Work in England and Switzerland," 28 October 1880, p.280.
42"The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 19 September 188O, p.l85.
43"The Work in Europe," RH, 21 October 1880, pp.264,265: Perhaps the idea came originally from William Jones cf RH, 7 October 1874, p.14.
44"The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 19 September 1880, p.185.
45Andrews, "The Work in Europe," RH, 21 October 1880, p.265.
46ibid.; "The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 19 September l880, p.185.
47"The Work in Europe," RH, 21 October 1880, p.265.
48"The Cause in England," RH, 31 May 1881, p.346.
49Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 9 December 1880, p.380.
50"The Review for Europe", RH, 16 December 1880,p.392.
51Editor, "Signs to England," ST, 13 January 1881, p.24, using information from private letters from Loughborough and Ings.
52"The Work in England", RH, 11 January l88l, p.26.
54ibid.; "Signs to England," ST, 13 January 1881, p.24.
55Ings to ---, "Shipwork in England," RH, 8 February l881, p.92.
56"The Work in England," RH, 3 May 1881, p.284; Editor, "Signs To England," ST, 13 January 1881, p.24; "The Work in England," ST, 17 March 1881, pp.128,129.
57ibid.; Andrews, "Report from Bale, Switzerland," RH, 23 August 1881, p.138.
58Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 12 April 1881, p.234; "The Work in England," 3 May 188l, p.284; "The Cause in England," 10 May 1881, p.297.
59"The Cause in England," RH, 9 August, 1881, p.l08; cf 10 May 1881, p.297.
60Loughborough, "A Tract Society in England," RH, 5 February 1880, p.91.
61Loughborough to Haskell, "Extracts from English Letter," RH, 12 July 1881, p.45.
63Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 6 September 1881, p.170; ST, 14 April 1881, p.176; ST, 19 May 1881, p.224.
64"Missionary Letters," ST, 1 September 1881, p.392.
65Loughborough, "Darlaston, England," RH, 1 November l881, p.282.
66Andrews, "The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 28 October 1880, p.280.
67Andrews, "The Work in Europe," RH, 21 October 1880, p.264.
68Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 31 May 1881, p.346.
69Ings to Vigilant Missionary Society of Battle Creek, 21 February 1880, "Letter from England," RH, 25 March 1880, p.205; "Shipwork in England," 8 February 1881, p.92.
70"Ship Work in England," RH, 3 May 1881, p.284.
71Ings to ---, "Ship Work in England," RH, 8 February l881, p.92.
72"Ship Labor in England," RH, 26 July 1881, p.77.
73ibid.; 5 August 1880, p.107.
74ibid.; 26 July 1881, p.77.
75ibid.; Editor, "The Shipwork," ST, 17 June 1880, p.272.
76Huntley, "Ship Labor in California," RH, 16 August 1881, p.124.
77"Ship Work in England," RH, 8 February 1881, p.92.
78Ings to Vigilant Society of Battle Creek, 21 February 1880, "Letter From England," RH, 25 March 1880, p.205.
79Ings, "Ship Labor in England," RH, 5 August 1880, p.107; ST, 19 August 1880, pp.368,369.
80Huntley, "Ship Work in England," RH, 16 December 1880, p.394.
81Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 9 December 1880, p.380.
82Loughborough, "The Work in England," ST, 17 February 1881, p.81.
83ibid., RH, 3 May 1881, p.284; see also ST, 17 March 1881, pp.128,129.
84RH, "The Work in England," 3 May 1881, p.284; a quotation from Lk.21:25,26.
85Loughborough, "The Work in England," ST, 17 February 1881, pp.80,81. See Ps.102:25-27; Heb.1:10-12.
86Loughborough, "Darleston and Manchester, England," ST, 1 December 1881, p.536.
87Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 26 February 1880, p.140; "Southampton, England," ST, 4 March 1880, p.101.
88Ings, "Ship-work in England," RH, 8 February 1881, p.92; "Ship Labor in England," 3 May 1881, p.284.
90Ings to Vigilant Missionary Society of Battle Creek, 21 February 1880, "Letter from England," RH, 25 March 1880, p.205; Huntley, "Ship Work in England," 16 December 1880, p.394; Ings to ---, "Ship-work in England," 8 February 1881, p.92; "Ship Labor in England," 26 July 1881, p.77.
93Ings to Vigilant Missionary Society at Battle Creek, 21 February 1880, "Letter from England," RH, 25 March 1880, p. 205.
94"Ship-work in England," RH, 8 February l88l, p.92.
95"Ship Labor in England," RH, 26 July 1881, p.77.
96Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 26 February 1880, p.140; Ings, to Vigilant Missionary Society at Battle Creek, 21 February 1880, "Letter From England," RH, 25 March 1880, p.205.
97Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 10 May 1881, p.297; ST, 19 May 1881, p.224.
99Ings, "Ship Labor in England," RH, 5 August 1880, p.107.
100Ings to ---, "Ship Work in England," RH, 8 February 1881, p.92.
101Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 26 February 1880, p.140; Ings, "Ship Labor in England," 3 May 1881, p.284.
102Loughborough, "Tracts and Oranges," ST, 11 March 1880, p.114.
103Ings, "Ship Labor in England," RH, 3 May 1881, p.284.
104ibid., 26 July 1881, p.77
108Loughborough, "Darlaston, England," RH, 1 November 1881, p.282; ST, 10 November 1881, p.500.
109"Ship Labor in England," RH, 5 August 1880, p. 107.
110Huntley, "Ship Work in England," RH, 16 December 1880, p.394.
111Ings, "Ship Labor in England," RH, 3 May l88l, p.284.
112Loughborough, "The Work in England," RH, 11 January 1881, p.26; see also ST, 20 January 1881, p.32.
113Ings, "Ship Labor in England," RH 5 August l880, p.107; ST, 19 August 1880, p.369.
114Ings, "Ship Work in England," RH, 16 December l880, p.394.
115Ings, "Ship Labor in England," RH, 3 May l881, p.284.
116Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 5 February l880, p.92; 26 February l880, p.140.
117Ings to Vigilant Missionary Society Battle Creek, 21 February 1880, "Letter From England," RH, 25 March 1880, p.205.
118Loughborough, "English Mission," ST, 13 October 1881, p.464.
119"The Cause in England," RH, 19 July 1881, p.58; George R. Drew, an Englishman and a ship worker in California is destined to join the worker force in Britain during 1882.
120"Ship Labor in England," RH, 3 May 1881, p.284.
122"The Cause in England," RH, 5 August l880, p.105.
123ibid., 11 March 1880, p.172.
124Ings to Vigilant Missionary Society at Battle Creek, "Letter From England," RH, 25 March 1880, p.205.
126Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 11 March l880, p.172.; "England," RH, 22 April 188O, p.268; ST, 11 March 1880, p.114; Wilcox, HS, p.82; Editorial, "Signs to England," ST, 13 January 1881, p.24.
127Loughborough, "The Cause In England," RH, 20 May l880, p.332; Diary, 7-13 April 1880.
129Loughborough, "Southampton, England," RH, 5 February 1880, p.92.
130Loughborough, "The Cause In England," RH, 8 July 1880, p.44; "Signs for England," ST, 1 July 1880, p.296; RP, p.321.
131Loughborough, Diary, 16 June 1880.
132ibid.; Andrews, "Arrival at Southampton, England," RH, 19 August l880, p.140; Loughborough, "The Cause in England," 11 November 1880, p.316; "Romsey, England," ST, 29 July 1880, p.345; "The Cause in England," 18 November 1880, p.512; RP, p. 321.
133Loughborough, Diary, 4, 13, 20, 27 July, 1880, 3 August 1880; Correspondence, 12 August 1880.
134see Leonard, AMM, p.244.
135Loughborough, "The Cause In England," RH, 5 August 1880, p.l04.
136"Arrival at Southampton," RH, 19 August 1880, p.140.
137"The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 19 September 1880, p.185.
138Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 26 August l880, p.156; ST, 12 August 1880, p.356.
139Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 16 September 1880, p.204; "The Cause in England," ST, 16 September 1880, p.417.
140Loughborough, Diary, 19 August 1880.
141"The Cause in England," RH, 26 August 1880, p.156; 16 September 1880, p.204; ST, 16 September 1880, p.417; RP, p.321.
142Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 11 November 1880, p.316; ST, 18 November 1880, p.512.
143Loughborough, "Romsey, England," ST, 29 July 1880, p.345.
144Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 16 September 1880, p.204; ST,, 16 September 1880, p.417.
145Andrews, "The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 28 October 1880, p.280.
146ibid.; Loughborough, "The Cause In England," RH, 9 December 1880, p.380.
148Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 26 August 1880, p.156; ST, 26 August 1880, p.380; Andrews, "Arrival at Southampton, England," 19 August l800, p.140; "The Work in England and Switzerland," 19 September 1880, p.185.
149"The Work in England," RH, 19 September 1880, p.184.
150Loughborough, Diary, 15 September 1880.
151Andrews, "The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 28 October 1880, pp.280,281.
152Loughborough, Diary, 18 October 1880.
153Loughborough, Correspondence, 30 January 1881.
154Andrews, "The Work in England and Switzerland," RH, 28 October 1880, p.280; Loughborough, "The Cause in England," 11 November 1880, p.316; ST, 18 November 1880, p.513.
156"The Cause in England," RH, 31 May 1881, p.346.
157Loughborough, Diary, 11-26 May 1880; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
158Loughborough, "The Cause in England," RH, 19 July, l881, p.58; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
159"The Cause in England," RH, 19 July 1881, p.58; ST, 21 July 1881, p.320.
160RH, 9 August 1881, p.108.
161Loughborough, Diary, 17 July 1880.
162"The Cause in England," RH, 9 August 1881, p.108.
163Loughborough, Diary, 3-5 August 1881.
164Loughborough, Diary, 24,25 May 1882.
165Loughborough, "The British Mission," RH, 18 September 1883, p.604, quoting British Supplement 32.
166Loughborough, Diary, 7,8 October 1881.
167Loughborough, "Darlaston, England," RH, 1 November l88l, p.282; ST, 10 November 1881, p.500; "Darlaston and Manchester, England," 1 December 1881, p.536; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
168The United Kingdom Temperance Alliance was begun 1 June 1853 and is still in existance in the United Kingdom. As of 1995 the General Secretary, Bernard Kinman, is a member of the Seventh-day Adventist church and a retired minister.
169Loughborough, Diary, 17-19 October 1881; "Darleston and Manchester, England," ST, 1 December 1881, p.536; Wilcox, HS, p.82.
170Wilcox, HS, p.83.
171Loughborough, Diary, 20,21 October 1881.
172Loughborough, "Cause in England," ST, 8 December 1881, p.549.
173Loughborough, RP, p.331.
174Loughborough, Diary, 15,16 November, 2 December 1881; Editor, RH, 29 November 188l, p.352; Loughborough, "Cause in England," ST, 8 December 1881, p.549.
175Loughborough, Diary, 11,24 January 1882.
176Loughborough, RP, p.330 cf "Darlaston and Manchester, England," ST, 1 December 1881, p.536.
177Loughborough, RP, pp.325.
179Report of the General Conference and other Anniversary Meetings of the Seventh-day Adventists held at the Tabernacle, in the city of Battle Creek, Michigan, December 1-19, 1881, (Michigan: SDA Pub. Assn., 1882), pp.7,12. Hereafter GCR. This report was the forerunner of the Seventh-day Adventist Year Book voted by the 1882 General Conference and first published in 1883; "General Conference," RH, 20 December 1881, p.392.
186Editor, RH, 29 November l88l, p.352.
187General Conference Committee, "The Conference," RH, 13 December 1881 p.376.